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It will be new because the thing Yahweh intends to do is different; it is new as the Sinai covenant was new over against the Abraham covenant. The Sinai covenant moved from a promise about Abraham becoming a great people to the setting up of a relationship between this people and God and a focus on giving this people the land.

The challenge to acknowledge Yahweh was therefore one that Israelites had to issue to one another. Ezekiel makes the same point more sardonically. Although Judah has despised the oath and broken the covenant, Yahweh will bear the covenant in mind and in fact establish an everlasting covenant with them. The NRSV wording may suggest an everlasting covenant that they make and will not forget, but it would fit the other occurrences of such language if the verse again refers to an everlasting covenant that Yahweh makes and will not forget.

A particular aspect of this covenant commitment will be that Yahweh will always be speaking through the prophet Isa Yahweh will be true to the covenant with David by extending its application to the people as a whole. This expression recalls the idea that Abraham can be a blessing.

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It suggests that Israel can be an embodiment for the world of what it means to be in covenant relationship with Yahweh, and thus be a means of light coming to the nations. The Second Temple period saw Israel indeed keeping the covenant in a way they had not before. In particular, they gave up worship of other gods and worship by means of images, the key first two requirements of the Ten Words. In Ezra the people who have married foreign women undertake to make a covenant with God to end these marriages and thus express an unqualified commitment to Yahweh alone.

Thus by NT times these requirements can be taken for granted. Conversely, by then the Jewish people are in occupation of something like the old bounds of the land, the area that belonged both to Judah and to Ephraim. Yahweh has thus kept the promise to implement this new covenant. Further, the spread of appreciation of Jewish religion through the Diaspora means they have become a covenant to the people. The Jesus covenant The NT shows rather little explicit interest in covenant, though in the broader sense the concerns of covenant are embedded in the theological thinking of the NT.

According to the Gospels, Jesus came to fulfill the covenant. The Jesus covenant will benefit the world more spectacularly than the previous versions of the covenant did. In the par. That is the way they will find forgiveness. This antithesis corresponds to but restates the one in Jer When they read the old covenant, it is as if there is a veil over their minds, which is set aside only in Christ 2 Cor Hebrews develops the notion of the new covenant most systematically see esp.

Heb 8—9. Whereas in the OT the sacrifice involved in confirming the covenant at Sinai was separate from the regular sacrificial system, Hebrews brings these two together; it can then see the covenant sacrifice as a cleansing sacrifice Heb The old covenant with its shortcomings Heb is thus obsolete and about to disappear Heb The single definitive sacrifice that Christ offered makes the regular sacrifices now unnecessary.

The Jesus covenant is thus a reworking of the covenant, analogous to the several reworkings that have preceded it. It is the means whereby the Gentile world is drawn into the covenant relationship that goes back to Abraham. There is not one covenant for Jews and one for Gentiles. But as usual this commitment might presuppose the unstated assumption that they stay faithful to their own covenant commitment. Forever I will keep my steadfast love for him, and my covenant with him will stand firm. The promissory nature of the David covenant makes it comparable with the Abraham covenant. We do not know the background of this expression for which see also Num , and Lev , but it seems to underline the notion of permanency.

Covenant as a More General Term for Relationships Between God and People in the Bible In the history of theology, the significance of covenant broadened so that it became a term for the relationship between God and Israel even where the word berith does not occur. Indeed, the original relationship between God and humanity in the garden of Eden has been seen as covenantal.

Isaiah and Amos might also be taken to refer to a creation covenant. On this basis covenant can be seen as providing the framework for OT theology. Thus different theologians can both affirm and deny that the idea of covenant dominates the OT, and both can be right, depending on whether they are talking about covenant in the broader or narrower sense. Israel itself may have thought in covenant terms even when it did not use this language. In Neh 9—10, e. But they, too, in the broader sense think in covenant terms, and this may lie behind the way they sometimes imply that they are issuing a formal charge against the people, accusing them of covenant-breaking, and warning that covenant sanctions are to be imposed on them.

The form of speech would correspond to the way an imperial power brought a charge of disloyalty against one of its underlings and threatened it with punitive action. If there is a connection with covenant thinking, then this prophetic lawsuit might also be described as a covenant lawsuit. The key theological issue that covenant raises is the relationship between divine commitment and human obligation. Covenant can put the stress on divine initiative and commitment, though it will then regard human obedience as absolutely required.

Or it can put the stress on human commitment to obedience to an obligation set forth by God, though it will assume that this commitment is offered in the context of the framework of divine grace. We do not live to ourselves but in mutual commitment. One could extend this to other classic Hebrew expressions for community values such as those listed as characteristics of Yahweh in connection with the remaking of the covenant in Exod Bibliography Walter Brueggemann.

Theology of the Old Testament. Mayes and R. Salters, ed. Covenant as Context: Essays in Honour of E. Nicholson ; Stanley E. Porter and Jacqueline C. The Covenant Formula As a collection of theistic books, the Bible categorically denies 3 and condemns 2. Its treatment of 1 proves far more diverse. Only through human sin did the material world become corrupt chap. The rest of Scripture outlines a plan of redemption, not only for humanity but also for the whole universe.

The patriarchal age portrays several righteous rich people Abraham, Jacob, Joseph, Job , but each is generous in giving to the needy Gen 13; , 23; ; ; Job The Mosaic law enshrines private property as desirable Num 26 , but focuses five times as much attention on safeguards against the idolatrous use of possessions. Various laws forbid unjust interest Exod ; Deut and work on the Sabbath, sabbatical year, or Jubilee Exod ; Lev Taxes, tithes, and offerings likewise prevented the Israelites from becoming as rich as they might have Exod ; Lev ; Deut The wilderness wanderings led to a manna economy in which no one had either too little or too much Exod In the Deuteronomistic material, economics in the promised land proceed according to a theology of rewards and punishments.

The more the nation, and esp. The more they disobey, the sooner God brings scarcity and warfare. The prophets denounce the economic sins of Israel and its leaders: worshiping costly idols Isa , exalting the Temple cult above basic morality Jer , oppressing the poor Amos , boasting in their wealth Amos ; , and performing ministry primarily for remuneration Mic Instead, the people need to seek justice for the marginalized Mic , give all their tithes Mal , and lament Lamentations.

Rather than fight their exilic oppressors, the people were to seek the welfare of Babylon in order that it too might prosper Jer Ultimately, they could look forward to restoration, which included material prosperity in the land Isa 60— Apocryphal texts focus less on judgment against Israel, and more on the diverse themes of the Wisdom literature, the Deuteronomic rationale for prosperity and poverty, and hope for coming restoration.

New Testament texts do not promise health or wealth based on faith, much like the theologies of the authors of texts like Job or Ecclesiastes. In the tradition of the prophets, the NT authors condemn people who mistreat outcasts and the powerless. No economic system emerges; centuries later, both capitalism and socialism would draw on a variety of scriptural texts and themes along with other sources.

The Gospels find Jesus blessing the materially and spiritually poor Matt ; Luke ; , assuming almsgiving Matt ; ; Luke , and commanding his followers to pray for only daily bread Matt ; Luke , while storing up heavenly treasure Matt ; Luke While Jesus pays the religious tax, he does so in a way to show that he and his disciples should be free from it Matt Three parables warn against the dangers of trusting in riches versus being good stewards of them Luke ; , Giving versus hoarding, in the context of discipleship, can also have eternal consequence Mark ; All are appropriate under different circumstances; none is absolutized.

Instead it enjoins trust in the Lord, denunciation of injustice, and seeking his will ; First John stresses the care true love displays for the materially needy. Revelation contrasts the destruction of the enormously wealthy evil end-times empire with the holy city of earthly delights in the new earth.

Rev 18; 21— They were particularly active from ca. They never formed a unified kingdom but primarily existed as independent states that were loosely connected by language and culture. The texts most commonly use the label Aram, however, to designate those peoples living immediately north of Israel and east of the Jordan River. The Bible presents the Arameans as having close cultural and political relationships with Israel, relationships that often oscillate between friendly and unfriendly.

During the monarchical period esp. In the OT literature relating to these years, Aram most frequently designates this kingdom in particular. Sources 1. Biblical texts 2. Extra-biblical texts and archaeological data B. Origins and Early History preth cent. BCE C. Arameans, Israelites, and Assyrians 10th—8th cent. BCE D. Culture and Religion Bibliography A. Sources Sources of information for the Arameans include: biblical texts, consisting of scattered references and allusions; extra-biblical texts, including Aramaic, Assyrian, and Egyptian inscriptions; and archaeological data, including cultural artifacts and material remains.

The OT includes numerous other references to persons and events associated with Aram, as well as to historical interactions among Israel, Judah, and various Aramean kingdoms. These references describe the interactions of various Aramean states and rulers with Israelite and Judean kings from Saul and David to Ahaz and Hoshea. Extra-biblical texts and archaeological data Extrabiblical non-Aramaic sources predominantly consist of Assyrian royal inscriptions, with some sporadic mentions in Egyptian and Ugaritic texts.

There are few documents from the Arameans themselves. These are not royal annals such as one finds in Assyria, nor king lists and chronicles such as one finds in Babylonia. Instead, nearly all the major sources are occasional royal inscriptions that come from the 9th cent. Three of the most significant Aramaic texts come from the 9th cent. From later in the 9th cent. BCE and represent the longest extant inscription in Old Aramaic. Additionally, portrayals of Aramean people appear on gates and walls of Assyrian and Aramean buildings.

BCE The question of Aramean origins and early history involves the years leading up to and including the 12th—11th cent. Their emergence coincides at the latest with changes in Syria-Palestine at the end of the Late Bronze Age ca. Since the Arameans existed as loosely connected territorial kingdoms in various geographical areas, they at times evidence different origins and development.

Particularly lacking is archaeological data for the material conditions in Syria and Mesopotamia that accompanied the rise of the Arameans. Hence, reconstruction must rely mainly upon textual references. They probably do not provide precise genealogical information concerning Aramean origins. Possible references in non-Assyrian texts, which would describe preth cent. A potential reference occurs on an Egyptian statue base from Thebes as early as the time of Amenophis III, and Ugaritic texts from the 14th cent.

A central issue related to the origins of the Arameans concerns their connection with other groups mentioned in texts from before the 12th cent. In the Assyrian texts, Akhlamu designates a seminomadic group on the fringes of Syrian and Mesopotamian society. Due to the geographical similarities and Assyrian pairings, many scholars see the Arameans as identical with or at least as a subgroup of the Akhlamu. If this identification is correct, it points to an origin for the Arameans in at least the Middle Bronze Age. This conclusion remains questionable, however, since some texts include references to both Akhlamu and Arameans independently, and Mesopotamian texts in general often pair the names of nomadic groups without suggesting identification.

The evidence favors the conclusion that the Arameans gradually emerged in Mesopotamia and Syria during the Late Bronze Age, at least years before their initial encounters with Tiglath-pileser I. Scholars remain divided, however, over whether the Arameans were nomads who migrated into this region from the Syrian desert or pastoralist descendants of Amorite groups who had lived in Syria since the 18th cent. The older view—that the Arameans flooded into the region during a time of upheaval around BCE—has been challenged more recently for relying on an overly simplistic view of the development of nomadic groups into urban cultures and for lacking archaeological evidence for the displacement of populations around this time.

The extrabiblical texts do not portray the Arameans as immigrants, and later Arameans occupy the same area as the earlier Amorites. In any case, Arameans filled the vacuum created by the collapse of the Hittite empire in approximately BCE. For the remainder of the 12th and 11th cent. When the sources resume in the mid- 10th cent. While the Assyrian texts designate the groups in the Babylon area with the general term Arameans, they assume the political and geographical independence of the Syrian states and identify them by the specific names of the individual kingdoms.

BCE Aramean history in the 10th—8th cent. By the beginning of the 10th cent. Early information on the Aramean states in central and southern Syria is limited to the OT. Second Samuel says that David defeated a group of Arameans from Beth-rehob, Zobah, and Maccah, which had been hired by the Ammonites, and subsequently defeated another Aramean coalition led by Hadadezer, king of Zobah. If these traditions are in any way reliable, they provide the earliest OT references to a powerful Aramean kingdom and its interactions with Israel.

First Kings indicates that Rezon broke away from Hadadezer of Zobah and became king in Damascus. Since there is no clear archaeological evidence for the arrival of the Arameans in Damascus, this tradition remains unconfirmed. In any case, the biblical texts depict Rezon as the ruler of Damascus in the third quarter of the 10th cent. The available sources for Damascus between the midth and mid-9th cent. By the late 10th cent. The next major intersection of Israelite and Aramean history occurred during the reigns of Baasha of Israel and Asa of Judah ca. The Aramean king then captured several cities in northern Israel.

The biblical texts provide the only sources for these events, but a destruction layer in Stratum IV at Tell al-Qadi that dates to the first quarter of the 9th cent. Outside of these events, Aramean activities in central and southern Syria during the first half of the 9th cent. By the time sufficient biblical and Assyrian sources reemerge ca.

The coalition met the Assyrians at Qarqar on the Orontes River and apparently stalled or defeated Shalmaneser, since Assyrian texts record no booty being taken and Shalmaneser pushes no farther west. This alliance fought Shalmaneser on three more occasions between and BCE, apparently scoring a victory or stalemate each time, and the Assyrian texts consistently picture Aram Damascus as the leading western power.

Assyrian texts portray Israel as an ally of Hadadezer during the reign of Ahab. The biblical materials concerning Ahab, however, esp. Some scholars identify the Ben-Hadad in 1 Kgs 20 and 22 with Hadadezer and conclude that relations between Israel and Aram oscillated during the reigns of Omri and Ahab.

Because of chronological and textual problems, the majority of interpreters conclude that 1 Kgs 20 and 22 are redactionally misplaced and actually refer to hostilities with an Aramean king Ben-Hadad in the later Jehu. Thus, all evidence points to Israelite and Aramean cooperation throughout the reign of Hadadezer of Damascus ca. The Assyrian texts identified him as an usurper, who took control of Damascus upon the death of Hadadezer, and 2 Kgs depicted him as murdering his predecessor, who is incorrectly identified as Ben-Hadad.

Second Kings 9—10 then describe the takeover of the Samarian government by Jehu, who killed the kings of Israel and Judah.

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The Tel Dan Inscription, probably a memorial stela of Hazael, likely reflects these events, although the fragmentary stela attributes the killing of Jehoram and Ahaziah to the Aramean king and many of its details remain debated. Probably because of his local aggression, Hazael faced Assyria without a coalition. For BCE, Assyrian texts recorded a campaign against Hazael alone in which Shalmaneser forced him to retreat but was unable to capture Damascus, although he did destroy the surrounding lands, cities, and villages. In the course of the campaign, Shalmaneser received tribute from Jehu of Israel, marking his submission to Assyria as a vassal.

Hazael survived further Assyrian campaigns in and BCE. Hence, the three decades following BCE saw no Assyrian campaigns to the west. Biblical and extrabiblical texts suggest that Hazael constructed an Aramean empire that lasted into the reign of his successor Ben-Hadad , that controlled all of Syria-Palestine, and that subjugated Israel and Judah. Yet the exact nature and extent of this empire remain contested.

Similarly, the Zakkur Stela points to Aramean influence in Hamath. Archaeological evidence of destruction at places like Jezreel also points to Aramean encroachment into the upper Jordan Valley. Biblical texts relating to the reigns of Jehoahaz of Israel and Joash and Amaziah of Judah also indicate that Aramean hegemony reached unparalleled heights at this time. The only major event reported by the biblical writers for the reign of Joash of Judah is that Hazael threatened Jerusalem and Joash paid him tribute not unlike a vassal 2 Kgs It is a fair warning not to overstate the power of Damascus on the basis of its dominance over Israel.

Nonetheless, it seems reasonable to conclude that Israel and Judah, and likely others, became vassal states to Aram Damascus. The sources do not, however, yield certainty on the chronology of these events. The Arameans suffered similar losses to Israel. After paying tribute to reconfirm their pro-Assyrian status see Rimah Stela , Israel scored at least three victories over Ben-Hadad 2 Kgs 13—14 , although scholars continue to debate whether Jehoahaz or Joash should be credited with these victories. There are no extant Aramean sources that indicate how long Ben-Hadad remained on the throne or what happened in the latter part of his reign.

Initially, however, this period afforded no opportunity for Aramean expansion. Control of the west remained in the hands of the powerful Assyrian governor Shamshi-ilu, who operated out of Bit-Adini. The king of Damascus at the time was Hadianu ca. Additionally, 2 Kgs says that Jeroboam II — BCE dominated Damascus and Hamath, although the historical reliability and details of this claim remain vexing for scholars. The death of Shamshi-ilu not long after — BCE removed any strong sense of Assyrian presence in the west, provided Aram Damascus another opportunity to assert dominance in Syria-Palestine, and ushered in the final era of power in Aramean history.

He immediately undertook a series of campaigns and annexations designed to reestablish Assyrian control over the far reaches of the empire. He first recaptured territories in northern Syria like Arpad and Hamath ca. Throughout this same period, Rezin worked to construct a widespread, anti-Assyrian coalition to challenge the resurgent Tiglath-pileser and push for economic freedom from Assyria.

Pekah of Israel apparently played a key part in these developments. These actions were followed by a decisive, two-year siege and capture of Damascus — BCE. Assyrian texts recorded the capture of towns, the destruction of Damascus, the execution of Rezin, the deportation of parts of the population, and the provincialization of Aramean territories ANET This destruction marked the disappearance of an independent Aram Damascus from the stage of history. Following the Syro-Ephraimitic war, Aramean groups intersected only briefly with Israelite history during the final years of the Northern Kingdom.

The new Assyrian king, Sargon II, quickly suppressed the revolt, and his actions marked the end of the main course of Aramean history in Syria Palestine. Aramean groups remained a significant political factor in the years after BCE only in Babylonia. While Arameans in this area appear as rebels in the texts of Sennacherib — BCE , even they eventually assimilated into other population elements. Throughout the following centuries, Damascus played a role as a provincial capital in the Persian period, an important city in the Hellenistic period, and a Nabatean capital in the Roman period.

Indeed, various Aramean cities went on to have a storied history, yet they never again attained the political power they knew across the first six centuries of the Iron Age. Culture and Religion Because the Arameans existed as several groups in different areas, there was not a single Aramean culture. Adequate sources for fully reconstructing social, economic, and domestic life have not survived.

Available texts depict an economy that mainly consisted of farming and animal husbandry, with some industry controlled by the royal administration. The Aramean groups in the east seem to have maintained a more tribal structure, while the western Arameans developed territorial states governed by dynastic monarchies. Perhaps also due to their diversity, Aramean groups made few lasting contributions to the culture of the ancient Near East. Nearly all their material culture—art, architecture, metalwork, etc. The primary cultural impact of the Arameans was the Aramiac language.

By the mid-8th cent. Aramaic was the official diplomatic language of the Assyrian Empire, and some texts in the OT, most notably parts of Ezra and Daniel, are in Aramaic. Aramaic became a common spoken language in the Neo-Babylonian period and later the lingua franca of the Persian Empire. The language survived in various dialects into the Roman period, probably constituting the language spoken by Jesus of Nazareth. Aramean religion shared the tradition and gods of broader West Semitic religion. The god Hadad was the main deity for many groups, especially for Aram Damascus, and was attested in both biblical and extrabiblical texts.

This is the only Aramean god to appear in the OT, although a stela at Bethsaida apparently venerates Hadad, and a sanctuary dedicated to Aramean gods has been discovered at Megiddo. Hadad was a god of rain and thunderstorm, who was connected with fertility, yet neither biblical nor extrabiblical sources preserved a developed mythology for the deity. Various Aramean texts invoked the names of other deities, notably the moon god Sin and Baal Shamayn. The veneration of Aramean gods included the practice of prophecy and the rite of funerary meals. Bibliography J. Damascus: A History ; P.

Daviau, J. Wevers, and M. The World of the Aramaeans.

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Miller, P. Hanson; S. McBride, eds. Hoerth, G. Mattiingly, E. Yamauchi, eds. BRAD E. City in southern Mesopotamia, located on a branch of the Euphrates, 59 mi. Babylon rose to prominence early in the 2nd millennium BCE, as the region experienced significant sociopolitical changes, and became the capital of important political entities throughout various periods of ANE history, playing a significant role in Israelite history and ideology.

The name Babylon, and several ideas associated with it, were transported to the West by means of the OT, and subsequently the NT and classical authors. Archaeological Data C. Political History D. Babylon and the Old Testament Bibliography A. The earliest form of the toponym appears to have been babil a , which has neither Sumerian nor Akkadian origin, and so perhaps derives ultimately from the population inhabiting Mesopotamia before the Sumerians, the so-called proto-Euphratean population.

Many features con- verged to make urbanization possible, but primary among them was access to the slow-moving water of the Euphrates, and to a lesser extent the Tigris, which makes the alluvial plain of southern Mesopotamia easily irrigable. Urbanization took place in this region in the late 4th and early 3rd millennia BCE.

The Euphrates did not flow through a single channel at this time but through several branches along which the most important cities were established. Potsherds have been reported from the surface of the site from the mid-3rd millennium BCE. After centuries of unscientific travelers and researchers visiting the site, scholarly excavations were conducted from to by the Deutsche Orientgesellschaft under the direction of Robert Koldewey. The work of the Germans, and subsequent excavations of the city in the 20th cent.

The Neo-Babylonian city yielded a strongly fortified inner and outer circuit of walls made of baked bricks. The walls were entered by eight gates, each named after a god. The city center was formed by the temple precinct Esagila, containing the cult rooms of Marduk, his wife, and other gods and goddesses. Religious structures had a square or rectangular courtyard, with a lopsided room to the side through a central entrance followed by a second room, in which stood a podium as the base of the divine statue. Unfortunately little was left of the monument because of the ancient practice of reusing mud bricks for building materials.

The city contained a number of royal palaces. Outer rooms surrounded the whole courtyard and included annexes and other buildings surrounding the foyer. The ceramic and pottery remains illustrate daily life, as well as thousands of commercial and legal inscriptions on clay tablets. Political History The history of ancient southern Mesopotamia may be periodized according to intermittent empires built with the city of Babylon at their center.

The first of these periods is marked by the arrival of the Amorites into central and southern Mesopotamia. Their appearance constitutes a turning point in ancient history at the turn of the 2nd millennium BCE, when Amorite city-states began to supplant the older Sumero-Akkadian culture of the previous millennium. The first dynasty of Babylon was established by Amorites in the 19th cent.

At this time, the city of Babylon rose from relative obscurity to become the political center of the country, and then an empire extending for the first time beyond southern Mesopotamia into the northwestern bend of the Euphrates River. Near the end of the Old Babylonian period, the role of the Amorites began to wane, and Kassite rulers took up governance of Babylonia for several centuries in what is most conveniently called the Middle Babylonian Period — BCE. During these centuries, the Kassites were only one of numerous ethnolinguistic groups in Babylonia, but they were ready and able to fill the power vacuum created by the collapse of the Old Babylonian dynasty.

Kassite nationalism, with a relatively stable economy and political rule, resulted in the elevation of Babylonian culture and prestige across the ancient world in an age of internationalism. Due to the successes of the Kassite rulers, Babylon came to be venerated as an ancient holy city, an important symbol of power and legitimacy for rulers hoping to dominate the ancient world.

During the opening centuries of the 1st millennium, control of the city became the objective of Assyrian kings to the north, who considered Babylon to be the cultural capital of all Mesopotamia. Eventually, a dynasty of native Babylonians perhaps Chaldeans ethnically defeated the Assyrians and restored Babylon to a brief period of renewed grandeur.

During the 7th and 6th cent. BCE, Babylon rose again to premier international status and enjoyed a spectacular period of strength and prosperity. With the rise of Cyrus, Babylon became a province in the Persian Empire and was eventually taken by Alexander the Great and his successors. During the Hellenistic period, Babylon lost its political supremacy to Seleucia on the Tigris.

But throughout its history, even including periods of political weakness, Babylon was significant as a cultural and religious center, whose influence reached across the ancient Near East to the West in Greco-Roman times and came to symbolize all of Eastern culture. The city itself came to symbolize ungodly power. The first references to Babylon in the Bible, and the only ones in the Pentateuch, are found near the conclusion of the Primeval History in the term Babel Gen ; The Tower of Babel episode Gen serves as the literary climax of the Primeval History, and traces the vitiating consequences of sin in humankind Gen 3— The tower is to be identified with a Mesopotamian ziggurat, or stepped pyramid, which developed in the early stages of Mesopotamian urbanization.

The Tower of Babel narrative concludes in an ironic wordplay. Names of specific Babylonians such as Merodach-baladan, Nebuchadnezzar, Evil-merodach, Nebuzaradan, etc. Beyond such specifics, the retrieval of native Babylonian sources since the 19th cent. In addition to these historical connections between Babylon and Israel—and indeed, partly because of these connections—Babylon also plays an important theological and ideological role in the OT. Especially notable in this regard is the pejorative tone adopted so frequently by Israelite prophets when referring to Babylon, a nation used as an instrument of divine wrath against Israel, which destroyed Jerusalem and deported large portions of its citizens.

The downfall of the king of Babylon is celebrated in Isa in terms that came to symbolize the destruction of any hostile enemy of God. In Second Isaiah, Babylon is a symbol of the evil oppressor. Once Babylon became a literary and ideological type for the ungodly city, other prophetic warnings and judgments concerning wicked cities were applied to it. So, e.

Bibliography Bill T. Who Were the Babylonians? Babylonian Topographical Texts ; C. Cuneiform BILL T. More than half of the OT is historiography, broadly defined. These portions of the OT display features expected in history writing, such as characterization, cause-and-effect continuum, plot resolution, etc. They also raise challenges for contemporary readers about the origins of such history writing, the rhetorical nature of Hebrew narratology, and the historicity of events described.

Many such challenges are resolved when the distinction between ancient and modern historiography is clarified. Definitions B. Israelite Historical Literature C. Origins D. Methodology Bibliography A. Definitions Historiography is among the most difficult subjects in biblical studies to define, although many have tried. By the latter, do we mean 1 biblical history, i. Beyond this simple distinction, any treatment of history and historiography as they relate to the OT requires further clarification at the outset.

If we reduce our definitions to simplistic romantic notions prevalent in Western culture, history is made of the events of the past and historiography is the written record of those events. Biblical scholarship has most frequently assumed definitions similar to these, so that Israelite historiography has often been evaluated by criteria assumed of modern historiographers; that is, how accurately and objectively events have been researched and presented. Famously, in the 19th cent.

Modern standards of history writing have routinely been applied to ancient authors, assuming the ancients thought about history and wrote history in a way similar to modern historians. Ba gives the only text complete enough to provide a clear idea of the scope of the whole work. But this manuscript has substantial lacunas, and frequently towards the end degenerates into a summary.

Apart from Ba, the evidence consists of later Byzantine fragments and collections of excerpts, and an extensive network of influences in subsequent texts in Greek, Slavonic, Syriac, Ethiopic and Latin. This other evidence demonstrably preserves at many points more accurate reflections ofthe wording of the original chronicle than Ba, which is a late and rather unreliable witness, owing its preeminent position only to its comprehensiveness.

This complicated situation has imposed on us an unusual format, which readers who wish to use this material critically should examine carefully to avoid misunderstanding. Yes, though strictly speaking it is a translation of Ba, the manuscript on which that edition was based.

Readers of the Bonn edition will find that it has been corrected and supplemented in places; see 4 and 5 below. This is the upper of the two sections into which most pages are divided, referred to here as the translation, while the lower is called the subtext. We have divided the translation into numbered paragraphs our own divisions, not found in the edition , for convenience of presentation in this volume: we do not anticipate that these divisions will necessarily have any wider use.

The bold numbers in brackets in the body of the text, , etc, are references to the beginnings of the pages in Dindorfsedition, or to the editions of the other texts occasionally used to supplement it. Eg: not right We have incorporated in the translation a number of scholarly corrections some marked in Dindorf s apparatus, some from other sources , and added some of our own. These are all marked in the subtext by the abbreviation coff : Apellaios This refers to a correction madeby Malalas first editor, Chilmead.

We have avoided placing in the translation any corrections which might reverse deliberate changes, eg the conscious abbreviations found towards the end of Ba. Corrections have only. Introduction mu been incorporated where we detect an involuntary error, and the resultant text is in some way inadequate. Four of these, namely the beginning, the end, part of the catalogue of Greek heroes in Book 5 and a lacuna near the end of Book 18, are identifiable as lacunas because Ba breaks off in mid-sentence.

There is also a substantial gap in the sequence of imperial reigns covered by Book 12, not now marked by textual raggedness in Ba; however, it seems likely to have resulted from physical damage at some point in the tradition between Malalas and Ba. In all cases but the last mentioned there survives another text which seems to preserve an approximation to what has been lost, or two other texts which can be used in sequence to fill the lacuna.

We have incorporated these texts into the translatiod, indicating in the first item of the testimonia of the subtext the fact that we are not using Ba but another text for the translation see 8 below. The ending and the lacuna just before the end are completed with passages from Theophanes, a writer who regularly reorganises and often corrects the passages which he takes from Malalas: for this reason we have put theseparts of the translation into italics.

In the last case in the list above, in Book 12, there is no surviving connected narrative to fill the lacuna. As a result, the attempts at reconstruction are confined to the subtext. But there are two crucial differences: a The words or phrases following the colon, while they are rejected from the translation of Ba or whatever other text is being translated at the time , are not being branded as false intrusions into the textual tradition, as would be the case in a conventional edition.

Unless there is some indication to the contrary see 12 below , these words are being proposed as more accurate reflections than the lemma provided of the original form of Malalas chronicle. Passages quoted for other reasons are marked as such. In a few cases it is possible to add at the end of the list a reference to sources used by Malalas which still survive independently of the chronicle. Each numbered paragraph in the translation has a corresponding numbered entry in the subtext.

The first item in that entry in bold is a reference to the text which has been translated, with page and line number. There follows a list of other testimonia. Here is a sample entry: 1 Bo The text translated in this paragraph is Dindorfs Bonn edition, p. References then follow to the use of the same material in the Chronicon Paschale, the chronicles of Kedrenos and George Monachos, two entries in the Souda lexicon and the Ethiopic text of John of Nikiu. References are by page and line, except for the volume numbers in the case of the Souda, and John ofNikiu, where references are made by means of chapter and paragraph number of Charles translation.

References to the Slavonic texts which nearly all certainly derive from a single act oftranslation are listed together at the end, preceded by the word Slav. In the few cases where Malalas source survives independently of his text, the reference is placed at the end of the list of testimonia and precededby the word See!. No attempt is made at completeness for its own sake. Thus Kedrenos, who is often useful in this way, is regularly listed in the testimonia, while Zonaras, Manasses and Glykas, for example, who are rarely important for this purpose, are largely ignored.

When the symbol cf appears in these lists, the texts which follow it reflect the relevant paragraph of the translation only in a limited way - for example, they may be abbreviated or substantially rewritten. Reference is often made then in the lemmata to other texts which share the reading of the lemma: Sostris In this case it must be assumed that the text which is being translated, Ba, shares the reading of the witness or witnesses listed before the colon, even though the symbol Ba is not used.

When a correction or addition is made to the text, the source of this is given with the lemmata and the rejected reading is given after the colon. Two basic patterns are used: a beautiful There is no need to introduce the superlative into the translation, for Ba makes adequate sense here without it. The proposed reading follows immediately after the colon, and the symbols for the texts from which it is drawn come at the end.

This means that on page 46 of Bo the Slavonic text and the Constantinian excerpts De virtutibus have the added words and stature , following the point where beauty stands in the translation. Again, Ba makes adequate sense, and so the addition is confined to the subtext. The reference symbols follow immediately after the colon, the verb add s is inserted and the proposed reading comes at the end. When a second or subsequent addition is needed, the verb continue s is used in place of add s. The marker corn is also found before the colon in such cases.

Sometimes, for the same reason, cf is used before the third alternative reading at a disputed point, after the lemma and the preferred suggestion. In some cases, where texts in different languages are involved, verbal identity is hard to define. But even when all texts concerned are in Greek, some elasticity has been allowed, especially over inessential variations of wording in passages which are otherwise identical over several lines.

The translation has been made either from the text being translated at that point in the case of the lemma or from the first text to which reference has been made. Where variation is wider, though the texts concerned still give combined support to a proposal being made, two other tactics have been employed: a a system of brackets to indicate points of disagreement and show the readings of individual witnesses; b qualifications of the support given by one or more witnesses, by the sign cf. In general, we would discourage readers from making any deductions from the subtext about the precise readings of any witnesses, apart from those directly translated in the subtext.

At the end are those texts whose value must be qualified by cf , apart from the Slavonic texts in the testimonia lists, which are given together at the end. However, these principles have been followed in an impressionistic way, with no attempt at scholarly rigour. Introduction 15 Citations of secondary literature We must stress that these are references to textual comments only, not to discussions of the content of the passage, unless that influences a textual point. Some references are to brief items in a list, but are included to show the scholarly context of the textual decisions we have made.

Others refer to substantial analyses of therelevant textual issues. The passages referred to usually support the line we have taken, unless disagreementis indicated. While the possibilities of multiple authorship or multiple editions remain open, the question has no straightforward answer. Our methods have been empirical. It is fortunate that there are several very early witnesses, eg the Tusculan fragments, Evagrios, John of Ephesos and the Chronicon Paschale which were all written within about a century of the chronicle s latest events.

Against this sound comparative material we may check the practiceof later texts, eg the Slavonic translation and the fragment to which we give the symbol A are good witnesses. Elsewhere we may have gone back too far, beyond Malalas text to his sources. In Book 5, for example, we may be going back past Malalas to Diktys, and there may be other similar cases in the detailed narrative of the last three books where we may be reconstructing, say, items in a city chronicle which have been abstractedseparately by another source as well as by Malalas.

Archaeological reconstruction of earlier textual layers is made easier by the tendency of the Greek chronicle tradition towards the abbreviation of items from one text to another. The purpose is to leave space for material from other sources, especially the writer s own contemporary material. We have therefore tried to employ the same principles at points where no early witness survives. Our task is made easier because we are working in translation, and so there is no reason for us to agonise over small Greek linguistic points, or the change of narrative colouration visible, for example, in Syriac witnesses.

These take the form of lists of attributes, physical and moral, and like all lists they are particularly unstable in the textual tradition. There is much scope here for omission and contamination from portrait to portrait. The formal characteristics of the lists were extensively studied at the. Introduction xxxi beginning of this century by Furst, , Schissel von Fl, , and Patzig, Since it is not a critical edition that is being prepared by I. Thurn , we are not producing a stemma codicum of the surviving witnesses, nor have we used all the available surviving manuscript fragments listed, for example, in Moravcsik, but only those that seemed to us to have material with relevant variants that could be usefully expressed in English.

We have, of course, had to develop a practical hypothesis of how the texts that preserve portions ofMalalas relate to each other and of the weight that can be attributed to each. The list that follows attempts to explain our views by giving a brief comment on each text. Our purpose here is explanation, not exhaustive discussion or justification, and so we give references to handbooks rather than provide a detailed bibliographical survey. There will be a fuller discussion of the transmission ofthe chronicle in the Studies volume.

References in the subtext to the texts listed here and to the texts not discussed but given in the list of abbreviations are, unless otherwise stated, by page and line of the edition to which reference is made. This anonymous chronicle of world history ofunknown date is preserved in an eleventh century ms, the first folios of which contain a variety of theological and chronological material.

The chronicle itself, written in a clear, neat hand, starts on f r with a heading which states that the chronicle runs from Adam to Michael Michael I Rangabe, and that the contents are taken from John Malalas , George Synkellos and Theophanes. For a description of the ms, see Weierholt, , The ms breaks off, with a torn sheet, at f v in the reign of Trajan. The material from Malalas forms the opening section from f r to f v third line , and as far as v fourth line has been published by Cramer. The unpublished portions are scrappy summaries of the last part of Book 4 and of Books 6 and 7.

A is a useful text for the limited areas it covers. Ba lacks the first Book and the opening words ofBook 2. Chilmead, in preparing the editio princeps ultimately published by H. Hody in filled this gap with material from another ms held by the Bodleian, Baroccianus Or. This material was reprinted by Dindorf in Bo. Though cited once in the subtext, it has not been translated in the present volume since it is now recognized that P and V preserve the authentic form of Book 1. A parchment ms of the fourteenth century which includes in its collection of historical, medical, theological and astronomical texts, a block ofGreek mythological material, written in a dense and much abbreviated hand.

For a description, see Weierholt, , The heading, which attributes the work to a John of Antioch, reflects closely the opening words of Malalas, Book 1 and the passages that follow are clearly drawn from Malalas chronicle. B, which after its early folios has recast its source, is useful only on occasion for confirmation of wording.

Ba Oxford, Baroccianus Graecus This ms is the sole comprehensive witness to Malalas chronicle. It consists of folios written throughout in the same neat hand apart from a few lines on f r , probably of the eleventh century. For a detailed palaeographical description, see Weierholt, , It shows few signs of iotacism though many names have been distorted in the transmission process. A later hand has made alterations to some of the linguistic forms eg changing nu diLv to rraXd-rLov, e fxav to etxov. Folios are missing at the beginning, the end and at two points within the ms cf the comments on pp.

Neumann calculated that the ms originally contained folios in 42 gatherings. There is one other major lacuna at Bo There is now also a portion missing on f ; see Bury, , As well as these lacunas, the ms is plainly abbreviating Malalas text, especially towards theend. BO Malalas, Chronographia; L. Dindorfs edition of Bo reprintedin PG 87 virtually unchanged is based closely on Chilmead s edition of without further inspection of Ba. It is the basis for this translation. The edition is inaccurate in many places, as noted by Bury in ; the methods we have used to correct and supplement Bo have been discussed on pp.

This is an anonymous chronicle contained in a large compendium of historical texts over folios , copied in the late thirteenth century. Compiled in and originally extending as far as the reign of Anastasios, it survives now only to Ozias of Israel Hunger, , ; Gelzer, a, Drawing for its earlier section on Eusebios chronicle which does not survive in Greek , C has used Malalas extensively for material on the Trojan War, where it is a valuable witness in the debate over how much of Diktys narrative was ever included in Malalas see Sept below.

C also uses Malalas on Romulus introduction of circus factions to Rome. The Chronicon Paschale is a world chronicle that runs from Adam to the reign of Herakleios originally ending in The prime purpose of the unknown author possibly a cleric associated with the patriarch Sergius, was to provide an accurate basis for the rules for. Introduction xlonn calculating the date of Easter and hence the name, the Easter Chronicle. The basic chronological framework of Olympiads, consular years, regnal years and indictions is filled out with narrative passages from a variety of sources Hunger, , , prominent among which is Malalas, which is used for Greek mythological material and Byzantine history up to CP takes passages over from Malalas almost verbatim, with scarcely any rewriting, and is thus an accurate witness for the text of the full Malalas, more accurate than Ba.

Occasionally, however, details especially dates according to the Roman system are interpolated from other sources into passages derived from Malalas. Cyril, patriarch of Alexandria , a prolific polemicist against paganism and an opponent of Nestorios and his doctrines, also wrote a refutation of the now loss work of the emperor Julian the Apostate against Christianity.

Two brief passages of this are of interest for the reconstruction of the text of Malalas in Book 2, para 5 and Book 7, para 15 , though the material, on pagan foreshadowings of the Trinity, has had a complex textual transmission in which Cyril s version is but one stage see Erbse, , passim and Brock, Dares of Phrygia is the name attached to what purports to be an eyewitness account of the Trojan War, written from a Trojan viewpoint.

The original was almost certainly in Greek but the work survives now only in a Latin translation of the fifth or sixth century AD Schissel von Fl, , passim. It is an important witness for the reconstruction of the portraits of Greek and Trojan heroes in Book 5, paras which are partially missing in Ba and wholly missing in Sept see below , but which seem nevertheless to have been part of the Greek alternative and non-Homeric version of the Trojan War Patzig, ; Jeffreys, BUttner-Wobst and A.

Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus was the instigator of a series of encyclopaedic compilations on a variety of topics: agriculture, court ceremonial, diplomacy etc Hunger, , , ; Lemerle, [and ]. Of the surviving collections of excerpts from historians made under his direction, the excerpts, De insidiis on plots and De virtutibus on virtues , contain substantial passages from Malalas, covering the whole text from Book 1 to beyond the present end of Ba.

Though there is an occasional tidying up ofpronouns and a few excerpts are brief summaries of major episodes like the Nika riot, in general there is little sign of rewriting. In the later books especially, where Ba preserves an abbreviated text, these excerpts are invaluable evidence for the state of the original. This Selection from the Ecclesiastical History , published by Cramer from one ms in Paris, falls into two sections. The first and major section as far as Eccl Hist Theodore Anagnostes was used as a source by Th.

The second and shorter section Eccl Hist Its status is puzzling and may simply reflect a common source underlying the last part of. We have not distinguished between the two sections of Eccl Hist in the subtext. Evagrios Scholastikos, or advocate, born in Epiphaneia in Syria between and , spent most of his career as a successful legal official in Antioch. His Ecclesiastical History, which makescareful use of documentary sources, covers events from to He drew on Malalas for secular events between when his previous source Eustathios of Epiphaneia ended to Allen, , 7.

His History shows that he had access to a fuller text of Malalas than that of Ba, one supported at a number of points by the Slavonic translation see Simon Franklin in the Studies volume. However, his copy of Malalas ended, according to his comment at Ev IV 5, References in the subtext are given to the book and chapter of the History, together with page and line reference to the edition of Bidez and Parmentier. The world chronicle of George the monk, which runs from Adam to though originally intended to reach , was widely read, to judge from the number of surviving mss.

Written from the religious standpoint of an anti-iconoclast who rejected Byzantium s heritage from the classical past, it gives a selective and compressed account of mythological and secular history while paying greater attention to biblical and ecclesiastical history Moravcsik, , ; Hunger, , He has used Malalas quite extensively, but frequently abbreviates and paraphrases his borrowings. The situation is further muddied by his use of Th, for whom Malalas is also a source.

The result is that GM is rarely of decisive value in attempts to reconstruct the original Malalas. One ms was used by Chilmead, the first editor of Malalas, to provide the missing first pages ofBa; see Anon Mal above. Gr Chron L.

Verse 12:34

It is very likely that one of its sources was a Constantinopolitan chronicle also used by Malalas in Book 18 Freund, , 36 ff. The value of its evidence for reconstructing the original Malalas is not satisfactorily evaluated and will be discussed further in the Studies volume.

There is also ascribed to him a fragmentary piece on the dating of Christ s birth Krumbacher, , which is connected with a difficult passage in Malalas, Book On the personality and appearance of the Greeks and Trojans at Troy is the second of two pamphlets written by Isaac Porphyrogenitus on What Homer omitted. The author is probably to be identified with Isaac c , third son of the emperor Alexios I ; he founded the Kosmosotira monastery, sponsored illuminated mss and is securely identified as the author of other short works Hunger, , 58; Varzos, , The pamphlet is based very closely on the portrait lists included in Malalas account of the Trojan War itself drawing on Dares and Diktys , and is invaluable in reconstructing the lacuna in Ba in Book 5.

Author ofa world chronicle from Adam to the accession of Herakleios , nothing is known of Johannes Antiochenus John of Antioch except that, as his name indicates, he came from Antioch. His work survives only in fragments, partly in the Constantinian excerpts, partly in separate mss. Wide in scope, he covered biblical and oriental material as well as Roman history. For Greek mythological material surviving in B, see above he drew on Malalas Hunger, , However, since he was working at a different language level, many of his borrowings from Malalas are recast and are not often of decisive value in reconstructing Malalas words.

Because of the similarity of name and subject-matter JA and Malalas were frequently confused in the ms tradition. John of Damascus cc , in his defence of the use of icons, cited Malalas account in Book 10 of the statue of Christ erected by the woman healed ofan issue of blood. Because of recasting to suit the context, the quotation is of limited use as evidence for Malalas wording. John of Ephesos c wrote, in Syriac, an ecclesiastical history from Julius Caesar onwards, in three parts, of which only the third dealing discursively with the reigns of Justin II and Tiberius, survives complete.

The second part, covering the reign of Justinian, survives independently in a fragmentary state cited in the subtext as JE, from the Latin translation of van Douwen and Land and also embedded, with other authors like Joshua the Stylite in the chronicle known as that of Dionysios of Tell Mahre cited in the subtext as PsD, though most of the passages referred to are probably derived from JE; see PsD below.

JE constructed his history from earlier writers including Eusebios, Theodoret and Malalas. The material identifiably from Malalas in the independently surviving fragments is often written up with biblical quotations and emotional phraseology, which makes it difficult to accept the more sober additional information it contains as reflecting the original Malalas.

The material in PsD is, of course, one stage further still from Malalas own wording. Nevertheless JE does preserve in several passages a fuller and probably more authentic version of Malalas account. The ms of Malalas used by JE would appear to have extended to the death of Justinian Nau, , John Moschos died , probably , a monk who spent his life moving around religious centres in Egypt, Syria and Palestine, wrote thePratum Spiriluale, a collection of monks lives and edifying tales Beck, , One tale concerns the emperor Anastasiosand sheds light on a curious adjective in Malalas, Book John, bishop of Nikiu in Lower Egypt , wrote at the end of the seventh century a world chronicle from Adam to his own day.

He treats oriental and Greek mythological history somewhat sketchily but gives later material at some length. One of his main sources was Malalas. However, his value for defining the wording of Malalas is limited since he abbreviates his sources and also inserts other material, eg, biblical quotations; finally, the chronicle as it now exists is at several removes from the form in which it was written. Originally in Greek with some passages possibly in Coptic, it was translated at some stage into Arabic and then in into Ethiopic, the only version in which it now survives Krumbacher, , ; Charles, , v.

Though frequently of interest in confirming other witnesses, John of Nikiu is rarely of independent value as a witness to Malalas text. The subtext has been constructed using Charles English translation, to whose chapters and paragraph numbers reference is made. Joshua the Stylite, a monk of the monastery of Zuknin, wrote in the reign of Anastasios , at the request of Sergius, abbot of a community near Edessa, a chronicle in Syriac heavily laced with Greek loan words.

The last date mentioned is November Wright, , ix. Joshua the Stylite s chronicle cannot be used to establish the wording of Malalas but, given the similar phraseology in a number of episodes eg the Illus conspiracy , a common source must underly the two accounts. The relationship between Malalas and Joshua the Stylite still needs to be elucidated. Georgios Kedrenos, probably a monk, wrote in the early twelfth century aworld chronicle from Adam to It is a compilation based on a variety of sources ofwhich those relevant to the period covered by Malalas are PsS and Th Praecht.

For Greek mythological history, which is treated selectively with greater emphasis laid on biblical history, Ke is transcribing the as yet unpublished chronicle of PsS; in the subtext references are given to PsS as well as to Kedrenos. Ke presents much material which is ultimately derived from Malalas, but most has been paraphrased and rewritten, often by intermediaries.

Occasionally, however, especially in the Trojan War narrative, Ke presents important independent evidence for Malalas wording. Leo Grammaticus is the name ascribed in some mss to a redaction compiled in of the chronicle of Symeon the Magister and Logothete, which in turn is a re-working of the so-called Epitome based in its early sections on the shadowy work of Patrikios Trajanos ending in Moravcsik, , ; Hunger, , The inter-relationships of the various versions of the Epitome have so far defied lucid explanation.

The passages connected with. Introduction xxxvn Malalas have little independent value as evidence for the text, but are cited for interest s sake from Cramer s edition and also from the unchanged reprint in the Bonn edition. LM Laterculus Malalianus; T. The Laterculus Malalianus is a short document, surviving in an eighth-century uncial ms, that discusses the millennial implications of the date of Christ s birth. Written originally in Latin to judge from its Vergilian echoes , it relies either on Malalas Greek text or on an accurate Latin summary of it. Both the opening pages, which draw on Malalas Book 10, and the subsequent list of imperial reigns reflect the Greek chronicle closely.

Arguing that Christ appeared in the sixth millennium and that the world is now in the seventh, the author appears to be taking a position against Bede s dating of Christ s birth to the year of the world A date of c AD for the composition of the piece was suggested by Mommsen. LM is significant for the text of Malalas in the chronological discussion in Book 10, the lacuna in Book 12 where it preserves the sequence of emperors , and for the ending, where it hints that its source may have extended beyond the death of Justinian.

However, the status of LM as a witness and the weight to be given to its evidence has yet to be satisfactorily resolved, and will be discussed further in the Studies volume. Moses Khorenats i, ostensibly writing in the fifth century but more probably in the late ninth, produced a history of the Armenian people, setting them in the context of world and biblical history.

His work was based on a variety of sources the Bible, Greek classical literature, Greek ecclesiastical historians etc all of which were available in Armenian translations. Though no Armenian version of Malalas is known, there are a number of parallels between it and the Chronicon Paschale and Moses history Thomson, , The similarities, however, are very vague and are of little value in reconstructing the text of Malalas. Patriarch of Antioch from to and author of a world chronicle from the creation to his own day, Michael the Syrian drew on a wide range of sources in both Greek and Syriac.

Of these perhaps the most relevant for Malalas is the chronicle attributed to PsD, in which are embedded portions of the Ecclesiastical History ofJE, who made use of Malalas. Though not often of independent value for establishing the contents, let alone the wording of the original Malalas, MS sometimes provides useful confirmatory evidence. We have used Chabot s French translation, cited by book and chapter.

P Paris, Supplementum Graecum , ff ; V. Petersburg, , P and V see below are portions, now separated, of one tenth-century ms containing a collection of ecclesiastical and chronological texts. The order of the folios has been disturbed and should run: P ff , V If , ff , P ff , V ff ; gatherings are lost at the beginning and after f v. We have collated P directly and V from photographs. In this connection, E. Jeffreys would like to express her. Introduction great appreciation to M. Astruc for help and advice on several occasions. P and V provide the text that is translated for Book 1 and until Ba begins at Bo Written in Syriac and ascribed, wrongly, to Dionysios of Tell Mahre patriarch of Antioch, , this chronicle covers world history to AD Urbina, , Its sources are Eusebios and other Greek writers, as well as JE writing in Syriac who had drawn extensively on Matalas and whose Ecclesiastical History, Book 2 survives only as part of this chronicle.

PsD s work thus provides evidence at two removes, and filtered through a second language, for Malalas original text; it can, however, provide useful confirmatory evidence for the shape of that text.

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We have used Chabot s Latin translation, where available. We have also consulted, too little and too late, Brian Parker, of the University of Sydney, and Witold Witaboski, of Uppsala University, for translations of the remainder. To both of these, but especially to Brian Parker, we are extremely grateful for their patient assistance. We must, however, stress that any shortcomings in the treatment of the Syriac evidence are due not to them but to the editors belated appreciation of the relevance of this material.

This is an as yet unpublished chronicle, formerly ascribed to Symeon the Magister and Logothete see under LG , which covers world history to AD. Much of this, though slightly rearranged and with some omissions, is taken over by Ke see above ; thus references to PsS in the subtext tend to appear beside those to Ke. During these periods PsS has little independent value as a witness to the text of the original Malalas and has not been cited in the subtext after Book References are to the folios of the ms.

Septimius is the name of the purported author of the Latin version fourth century AD of what claims to be Diktys of Crete s eyewitness account of the Trojan War; it is what is printed as the Ephemeris of Dictys Cretensis in the edition cited above. A Greek version of this material, though in a rearranged orderand ascribed to the otherwise unknown Sisyphos of Kos as well as to Diktys, exists in Book 5 of Malalas.

Additional passages from the same source appear in other witnesses eg C, Ke and Su. Diktys novel is probably to be dated to the first century AD. It has been a matter of controversy how much of Diktys narrative Malalas knew, whether he drew on it directly and whether itcontinued to circulate later independently Patzig, , Griffin, Sept lacks, eg, the portraits of the Greek and Trojan heroes almost certainly present in the original and is clearly at two removes at least from the Greek of Malalas.

It is of limited value in establishing Malalas wording though it can be useful in, eg, sorting out minor lacunas. Slav A detailed discussion of the Slavonic translation will appear in the Studies volume. The following note supplied by Simon Franklin is designed to indicate the texts used and to explain the selection and translation of the Slavonic variants in the subtext. Since the. Introduction xxxix Slavonic texts are cited togther in the subtext they are treated together here: references are given in full to each separate text in the list of abbreviations. The fullest extant version of Malalas, apart from that of Ba, is that which survives in the medieval Slavonic translation, the best and fullest text of which is that published by Istrin for the complex publication details, see the list of abbreviations.

Istrin s edition is based on both mss of Arkh for Books , , and on EL in a small sample of mss , for Books Istrin also uses EL for variants in the earlier books, Soph for Books and sporadically elsewhere, and Tikh especially for Book 3. Wherever possible, readings from Arkh and EL are given here with reference to Istrin s edition, and the particular source of the reading ie whether Arkh or EL is not specified. Full account is taken of Istrin s apparatus, and of the variant readings found in the studies which accompany several of the volumes ofhis text.

Small fragments of Malalas, in Arkh but overlooked by Istrin, are published in Meshchersky. Parts of EL s version of Books 1, 2 and and 4 appear in Mify, including passages not published by Istrin. Soph contains abbreviated and paraphrased material from all 18 Books of Malalas. Despite the abbreviated form, it does include some passages and details not in Arkh or EL. The full text recently published by Tvorogov, , is preferable to the sporadic extracts in Istrin. KVI provides a text ofparts of Books 7 and 9, and is unpublished.

KVI is a hypothetical compilation, dating from at least the late eleventh century in Russia, and partly preserved in several later compendia of historiographical works. Readings from the Slavonic version are taken only from texts which reflect the Slavonic translation of Malalas chronicle itself. No reference is made to fragments of Malalas which enter the Slavonic through being parts of other translated works of Byzantine literature, such as the translation of the chronicle ofGeorge Monachos, or the selections from the Souda lexicon cited by Maximos the Greek Maksim Grek.

One exception to this rule has been made, in the case of Abramovich. Abramovich prints extracts from but unfortunately does not publish in full a section of Book 10 which was translated independently of the full chronicle and which survives in a twelfth-century ms of a florilegium. This is the oldest Slavonic ms containing fragments of Malalas. The full translation dates from the tenth or eleventh century, but no ms survives from before the fourteenth century. Slavonic variants in the subtext are mostly based on Istrin.

However, the subtext does not provide a full or accurate guide to Istrin s text, neither to the Slavonic nor to its relations to the Greek. The subtext takes into account more sources than were used for Istrin s edition. The sole purpose of the subtext is to provide material which may reflect a Greek text of Malalas. The purely Slavonic tradition, however curious or important, is ignored. Thus if any Slavonic text agrees with the Greek of Ba, all Slavonic variants at that point are ignored. For example, where Ba differs from Istrin but is supported by Soph or Tikh, nothing appears in the subtext.

In order to check the justification for such omissions it is necessary to check the texts indicated in the testimonia. The English in the subtext does not necessarily represent an accurate translation of the Slavonic. This is again because the subtext is concerned not with Slavonic but with Greek.

Thus no variant is given: i where the Slavonic clearly follows the Greek of Ba but produces a slightly different meaning, and ii where the Slavonic translator or editor deliberately alters the Greek. The subtext does not record such. Introduction changes, nor does itrecord the occasions on which Greek indirect speech is turned into Slavonic direct speech.

Where the Slavonic contains additional material not in Ba, an attempt has been made to translate in accordance with the conventions ofthe present English version. This may require a distortion of the literal meaning of the Slavonic, since the conventions relate not to the Slavonic but to the Greek from which it is assumed to derive. Where the formulaic epithet is absent in Ba but present in the Slavonic, mudru is rendered as learned , despite the more natural wise. For the same reason, if a Slavonic addition or variant is similar to a cited variant from another Greek text, the English in the subtext aims to convey not the specific nuances of the Slavonic but its affinity with the Greek.

He was the author of a chronicle from Adam to and the recapture of Constantinople , for the earlier part of which he drew intermittently on Malalas Moravcsik, , ; Hunger, , His work, though rarely of independent value, is useful for confirming details, eg, of reign lengths, especially in the lacuna in Book SU Suidae Lexicon; A.

The Souda , an encyclopaedia compiled towards the end ofthe tenth century and based largely on previous dictionaries, contains, in addition tobrief lexical items, fuller entries on people and places, etc. Malalas is amongst Su s sources for these larger entries but, like the other historical texts used in Su, has been consulted not directly but through the Constantinian excerpts see De insid above Hunger, , The usefulness of this witness is limited by the scrappy nature of some of the material preserved.

In addition to their own intrinsic value, they confirm enough of the additions found in Th s borrowings from Malalas to establish his credibility as a witness. One of the sources he used extensively, though selectively, for the fourth to the sixth centuries was Malalas. Th has, however, frequently rewritten his borrowings often to eliminate Malalas linguistic awkwardnesses , rearranged their order and combined some entries. Thus, although not far removed from Malalas original wording, he cannot be trusted to give a precise record of it, even if the general shape of an entry can be accepted.

Th has also used and combined other sources. Th provides continuous narrative,. Introduction xli likely to be derived from Malalas, to fill the lacuna in Book 18, at paras though the linguistic variations which he makes elsewhere are sufficiently marked to make us indicate the change in text with italics ; however, at the end of Book 18 Th s entries, perhaps because they may draw on a Constantinopolitan chronicle also used by Malalas, give no clear evidence linguistic or otherwise for deciding whether or not Malalas chronicle continued beyond Bachmann, ed.

John Tzetzes, cl, was a cantankerous polymath who made his living from his writings for several patrons at the Comnenian court and by teaching Wendel, He seems to have had access to a full text of the chronicle, to which he refers explicitly on several occasions as well as quoting items which can only have come from Malalas Patzig, , Tzetzes evidence is particularly important for the lacunose portrait list in Book 5, items from which reappear in several of his works listed above based on the Homeric poems. Tzetzes, however, must always be treated with caution since he rewrites several of the works referred to are in verse , adds details from elsewhere and allows his personal feelings to cloud his judgement eg the portrait of Palamedes is unrecognisable because of Tzetzes personal identification with that hero.

V Vatopedi , f See under P. Vat Gr Vaticanus Graecus , ff r. A ms of the Epitome see under LG , which has some interesting readings that are relevant to Malalas, though its precise relationship to the chronicle needs further clarification Moravcsik, , ; Praechter, A report.

I thought. My successors must. Thus the majority of writers on world history have given an account. John 5. Hebrew books written by Moses 5. Didymos 5. Adam, the first man, was made, or created by God from earth. He was six feet tall, including his head; that. He lived years. God s command Adam gave names to all four-footed beasts, winged creatures, amphibians, creeping things, fish, and to his offspring. An angel of the Lord told them Adam s own name and that of his wife. His son Seth had wisdom from God and at. God s command gave names to all the stars and the five planets, so that they could be recognized by men.

He called the first. He also wrote down the seven vowels corresponding to the five stars and the two great. He was the first to invent Hebrew script and to write with it. God himself named the two great 1 ight. The most learned Fortunus, the Roman chronicler, wrote this in the account. Seth lived years and took as his wife Asouam, one of his own sisters. He became the father of children and many generations of men and women descended from them. Cain also took his own sister, Azoura, as his wife.

He was taken away after years. Enoch was the seventh from Adam, according to the interpretation Aquila the Jew gave of the Hebrew scriptures written by Moses. For the priests of the Jews interpreted Moses Hebrew accounts as follows, "The 1. The time of Adam 5. The Hellenic chronographer, or annalist, starts his account of the genesis of the world thus Slav; see Tvorogov, , Asouam 6.

Hera 6. Book 1 3 sons of cod saw the daughters of men, that they were fair, and took them wives of all which they chose and came in unto them, as Moses says, and they bare sons to them. There were giants in the earth in those days, the men which were of old, the men of renown" 6-an. Although rarely perceivedand then more often glimpsed by most fortunate patients, rather than by the therapistGeorge Mathieu nearly always sensed their presence.

He spoke with them, played the music they enjoyed. And gradually, over the years, an unashamed love affair developed between them. With their many thousands of years of experience, the Seraphim could generate an entire range of pictures, colors, sounds, thoughts, and emotions. Although almost always unseen when in the presence of the Spirit Guardians, they were ever at hand. Now they were alone at the task of bringing a vision of the future to the mortals mind.

Soon, it would all become so intense, he would lose all realization of it being a lucid dream. It would become ever so reala gut-wrenching actuality. It was a pleasant, carefree stroll on a crowded beach, with the sun beaming down on his back and shoulders. There was little wind, and a lazy surf. He knew this beach well. At a distance, some forty, or fifty, people had formed a crowded circle at the waters edge. All were nearly motionless, shocked, silent, looking down at something that might have been deposited there by the waves. Already, George sensed that whatever it was that had so quickly caught their attention, it concerned him greatly, sadly, deeply.

It would shatter his life into sorrowful fragments of inescapable suffering and endless selfblame. He rushed towards this group. With total disregard for the feelings of the many bystanders, he clawed his way to the center of the circle. There was the pale, seemingly lifeless body of a youngster.

A child, not yet five years old. A boy he had given the name Michael. A cute, white-haired, blue-eyed little man, with a perpetual smile on his face. His only son. There was no longer a smile on that little face. He dropped to his knees in anguish, and reached out to touch him. He needed to know if the child was still warm, and if he was, then he might live.

But he couldnt touch him. Suspended in mid-air above this pale body was a large sheet of glass. On it, the surf and the sand rolled back and forth, and spilled from the side of the glass. He reached around the glass, but his child remained out of his reach. A life wasted for lack of care. That smiling little fellow had not responded to urgent attempts at resuscitation by those who had found him.

Instantly awake now, he was no longer certain of having seen the future or the past. Foolishly, he walked into the boys room, and woke the little man from his sleep. Only when the child smiled at him, as he always did, did George fully realize it had all been a dream. With a hug, he tucked him back in. Seconds later, the boy was asleep again. It was three oclock in the morning. There was no chance of Barnard getting any more sleep that night.

Aimlessly, he wandered around the house, brewing coffee, raiding the refrigerator, and acting more like a nervous patient than a cool therapist. Thinking, planning their vacation, arguing with Jodi in his mind, and wondering what he would be without the Guardians. Bereaved, thats what I would be, and very soon. He made his way to the clinic, and boiled the jug for yet another coffee. He consulted his book of dreams, though he already knew.

The spilling of water from glass heralds the death of a child. He couldnt reach him, for he would be far away in the Philippines. It is flaming obvious! Why look it up in the book? You fool! You knew. But the Spirit Guardians had much more information now. Somehow, more detail had arrived since they last met. More than Danielle, more than the baby, Michael had fretted about being left behind by his parents. He had wandered away from the party, and drowned in water little deeper than knee-high to an adult, and with so many people around!

Someone had finally noticed him, but only just too late. Belated efforts to revive the child had failed. Change your plans, Andrea repeated her clearly audible warning, or you surely lose the one you love. She was not giving him the illusion of getting up again. Her previous stint of taking over Bzutus job had drained her energy levels too much. Her reaching right down to his distant mortal mind was not really one of her regular pastimes.

Andrea always was the communications whiz, but not all the way down the line. Her chitchat was with Beings even more distant than Seraphim. But the lingering uneasiness George had felt for so long with this androgynous Spirit Guardian had to be lessened somehow. It had been interfering with their performance as a platoon. This event, indeed, proved to be the turnaround. George finally realized that the Spirit Warrior was only his immediate contact in what might well be a very lengthy chain of command. He was allowed to watch it all. Here was what one might call a signed and sealed Akashic record of the future, which was now going to be scrapped.

This latest information, he was told, comes from far in time, and far in space. It was Paradisegenerated information. ABC made clear that the Spirit Guardians of the Halfway Realm had instigated negotiations for the release of the needed data. As negotiations go, the Barnard family had been fiercely represented by them, and the Eleven-Eleven had stubbornly held out until they got just what they wanted, and nothing less than what they wanted.

It was done. The platoons motto had always been, We fight. We win. We all ways win. Barnard had heard it many times before, and it had nothing to do with pride. It stated a fact. It meant they would always win, win in all ways, and for everyone concerned.

The fall-out of this change to the mosaic of future events reverberates around the globe many years, said ABCs mind. Swiftly, the horror-in-the-making had been presented to the Seraphim, and they had volunteered to shock the living daylights out of their mortal. Even though they knew Georges new plans, Seraphim still never trust any of the fickle human minds. They cannot afford to trust people. Humans are renowned for changing their minds more often than their shorts. This is funny, George. Good grins. For the mortal, it was an education, and then some. He said, Thank you all, you Guys, and took his mind back to the day Michael was born.

George was there at his birth. That baby arrived with a smile on his face, the attending nurse had commented with a laugh. Everyone had commented on it. Right from the start that smile had always been there, kind of saying, Please, love me. For George, at that time, there had also been a most sinister feelinga spinechilling premonition that the cute little man would not be with the family for long. It had bothered him greatly, and for many months. Sudden Infant Death Syndrome is what the father had constantly feared.

This might well have been what long ago plagued my deeper conscious mind, he mused. There were now some major alterations to be made to that mosaic of their time, with just nine short days to go until their planned departure. Barnard, you are giving me an impossible task, because this is our busiest season. Its been booked out for months! The helpful young woman sounded somewhat upset. She might not know the Spirit Guardians are at work, George mused with a smile.

Yet today, you shall have the cancellations, he told her. Strike me pink! I dont talk like that! But I did say that. His fears had blown away. He was on an unbelievable high. Cosmic synchronization, Kiddo, he told her. My Friends and I have been busily fine-tuning the main gyro of this local universe, and for the last few weeks. Weve got the entire galaxy running spot-on now, he joked. Itll all be happening, and still today. It was quiet on the other end of the line, and for quite some time. Then she said, Your friend in business, who dropped in your proposed flight schedules, told me about you, and what you do.

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Yes, I believe it will all actually happen. Thats the spirit! Go for it! He spent most of that Friday morning mediating between employees. The preChristmas holiday pressures were getting too much for some of his crew. Nothing fazed Barnard. By lunchtime, the travel agency was back on the line. Barnard, the young lady said in a disheartened voice, will you believe me, if I tell you that what you have asked me to do just cant be done? She told him what she had managed to do at that time, I have cancelled all your flights and hotel accommodations. The works.

But all Ive got so far is you and your wife on a flight to Bali. No seats for the three children. Theres no hotel space left on the island, and not a chance of procuring five seats on a flight to bring you all home. Honestly, its hopeless! This young woman seems to be in urgent need of the services of a personal Spirit Assistant, he thought.

Just relax, he told her. Its all going to happen, because Ive already seen us on the other side. Ive even peeked inside the hotel. What does the place look like? He told her precisely what it looked like, and she recognized it. I know that place! She was delighted. Thats the Coconut Grove in Sanur! I stayed there myself. Ill telephone them right away. She was on her way. By ten minutes to five she was back on the line, saying, This is your friendly travel agent reporting that the entire cosmos is now perfectly synchronized.

She was getting into the spirit of things. It had all gone like clockwork. There was, however, one problem, she told George. The Barnards would have to move into another hotel after the first two weeks. That was fine by George. The hotel will notify us, he thought. But somehow they all lost count of the days. And no one ever said anything. No one threw them out. They all stayed in the same rooms, for all of that time, and with a huge, friendly gecko for a pet. George spoke to both Gary and Joyce Nixon. Neither of them sounded very pleased about his changing his plans. Although they understood he would miss the children too much, they also felt let down.

They took it rather personally, George felt. The Barnards did not again meet up with them until about three months into the. George did not intend to tell his wife about what he had done until the following day. She could first have a good nights sleep, and take all Saturday to heat up quickly, and cool down slowly, he felt.

Frankly, the hero was also putting off what he thought might become a verbally violent confrontation. He hated that. No one ever wins an argument. There would be no need to argue. In the middle of the night, Jodi let out a scream. She managed to wake her husband faster then, than at any other time. She was sitting up in her bed, crying over a dream that would not go away.

It was a fully-fledged night terror. It took ages for him to calm her down and make her realize it was only a dream. Finally, like he had done, she needed to check on the little man to see if he really was in his bed. In the dream, she had found herself in a place in the mountains. She was describing Baguio City, and in great detail. A telegram had arrived to inform the Barnards they needed to immediately return home. Their boy was seriously ill. Then followed a long battle to get transport out of the place.

And when they finally arrived back in the country, they rushed straight from the airport, to only just make it in time for their sons funeral. A business friend living close by the Barnards, not the Nixons, had made the funeral arrangements. It sounded about right to George. The highly emotional Gary Nixon would have cracked up under the pressure of such trauma and resulting guilt.

That was more than probable. Jodis description of Baguio City was other than probable. It was dead-set accurate, though she had never been there. Jodi Barnard, George suggests, was shown a part of what would have happened. The entire episode left him wondering if he could ever repay the gallant Workers of the Halfway Realm. To this day, he thinks not.

There had been other occasions when the quick-thinking Guardians averted Georges being caught up in chaos on the roads. There were yet to be other incidents. The rookie feels indebted to the Spirit Guardians, and much more so than the Guardians could possibly be indebted to him in well over thirty years of cooperation. This time they saved the family from the devastating loss of a child. George is more than a little concerned about his own, at times, ineffective efforts. Barnards frequent feeble actions, pig-headed ideas, dumb pranks and harebrained schemes of his many years as a mortal rookie in one of their platoons are all recorded, hes sure.

It is but an insignificant chapter in the millennia-old chronicles of those of the Halfway Realm. The young Balinese man, who chauffeured the family around the various sites on the island of Bali, was also a practicing hypnotherapist. That, of itself, was a bit of a fluke. Both he and George were developing some extensive visualization techniques. That was a lot more of a fluke. They shared a few valuable experiences and theories. Barnards Manila-based friend was not at home, George later learned. The healer. The Barnard couple would have arrived in front of a closed door. The Baguio City contact was also missing.

It was his custom, so George later found out from a mutual friend and colleague, to travel throughout the provinces of the Philippines at that time of the year. Just as well the Barnards missed that place, too. It all started to look like cosmic synchronization, whatever that could be. But not until about the end of March, or early April, did they finally see the Nixon family again.